Post by Amamdi (@Onyegbadue)

Nigeria's Elections: Are We Learning the Wrong Lessons?

Nigeria's electoral history is, in many ways, a history of missed opportunities. From the disputed federal election of 1964 to the annulment of June 12 in 1993 and the controversies that have followed almost every election in the Fourth Republic, Nigerians have repeatedly demanded one thing: a voting system that accurately reflects the will of the people.

That demand became louder in recent years with calls for greater technology-driven transparency. Many Nigerians believed electronic transmission of results, biometric accreditation, and other digital safeguards would reduce manipulation, increase public confidence, and make elections more credible. Yet many of the strongest proposals for fully electronic voting and transmission encountered resistance from sections of the political establishment, often on grounds of infrastructure limitations, security concerns, or national readiness.

What is striking is that since the introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), Nigerians have repeatedly witnessed reports of technical failures, delayed uploads, network challenges, and operational inconsistencies during major elections. While technology undoubtedly solved some old problems, it introduced new questions that remain unresolved.

This raises an uncomfortable but legitimate question: are these recurring failures merely evidence of technological growing pains, or are they creating a narrative that could eventually be used to argue against deeper electoral digitization in the future?

It is important to be careful here. There is no publicly proven evidence that BVAS failures are deliberately engineered to discredit electronic voting. However, the pattern is troubling enough to warrant serious scrutiny. When reforms are repeatedly introduced but consistently experience failures at critical moments, citizens have every right to ask whether sufficient planning, testing, accountability, and institutional commitment exist behind those reforms.

The more troubling issue is that these challenges are not new. Election after election, Nigerians hear familiar explanations: logistics problems, late arrivals of materials, technological glitches, inadequate training of officials, security concerns, voter suppression allegations, and disputes over result management. If these problems have been identified for years, why do they continue to recur?

The answer cannot simply be that elections are difficult to conduct. Every election should provide lessons for the next one. Yet Nigeria often appears trapped in a cycle where known weaknesses are acknowledged, temporary fixes are applied, and the same weaknesses reappear during subsequent elections.

As the country approaches 2027, many Nigerians are concerned that the status quo remains largely intact. The debate should therefore move beyond blaming technology alone. Technology is only as effective as the institutions and people responsible for deploying it.

Responsibility begins with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has the constitutional duty to conduct credible elections. Nigerians have a right to demand detailed public audits of electoral technology, transparent procurement processes, independent testing of systems, continuous voter education, and comprehensive training for election officials.

The National Assembly also bears responsibility. Electoral laws should be strengthened where necessary, ambiguities removed, and oversight exercised to ensure reforms achieve their intended objectives. Political parties cannot be exempt either. Many electoral problems originate long before election day through candidate selection disputes, vote-buying, intimidation, and the politicization of institutions.

Civil society, the media, professional bodies, and citizens themselves also have a role. Electoral accountability cannot become a seasonal concern that emerges only during election periods. Pressure for reform must be sustained between elections, not merely after controversies occur.

The key question facing Nigeria before 2027 is simple: what can be done differently now, under existing laws, to improve public confidence? INEC can conduct independent stress tests of its technology, publish findings, invite external audits, improve transparency around result management systems, strengthen staff training, and establish clear accountability mechanisms for failures. None of these measures requires constitutional amendment.

Ultimately, the greatest threat to Nigerian democracy may not be technological failure itself but the normalization of recurring failure. A nation that continually experiences the same electoral problems despite decades of reforms must ask whether the issue lies in its laws, its institutions, its political culture, or the absence of consequences for poor performance.

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